Sanctity of Human Life, societal existence and Islam

– By Fazal Abbas Maken

Respect of human life is the cornerstone of all social bonding. In fact all other social values stem from this core value. All social systems and religions have, therefore, accorded importance to the sanctity of human life. Islam, which bestows upon mankind the exalted status of vicegerent of Allah, has taken the sanctity of life to a higher level. However, religious literature does not give due attention to this aspect and generally the discussion on human life is confined to the prohibition of homicide. This has had both academic as well as practical implications; the most conspicuous being that as homicide is seen mainly as a scholastic theme, exceptions to this principle have become rather too common. This Article endeavours to explore as to how the core value of sanctity of human life has been addressed by the Holy Quran and Sunnah

For full paper in Urdu please click Sanctity of Human Life, societal existence and Islam

Re-thinking rural education: Bringing the outside world to a village

I am from a village in rural Punjab, Pakistan. Like most other villages, my village lacks proper infrastructure. Poor people live in houses built with mud and only the rich live in huge mansions. Children of the rich go to private schools in the city but the poor parents cannot even afford the heavily subsidized government schools. They are left with no other choice but to educate their children in the village school.

Visiting my village as a kid, I remember hearing about the experiences of students in the village school. As you might or might not know, schools in villages have a multi-grade teaching system. A multi-grade teaching system is where a single teacher would teach children of different grades, usually 3 or 4 grades. However, there is only one teacher in my village’s school who teaches students in grades 1-10.

Let me show you how a typical class might look like. Here’s a cousin of mine who volunteered to teach English and Mathematics to a group of students in the village.

Imran Maken teaching a group of students

Would you ever be willing to study like that? As a parent, would you pay to send your children to study in a place like this?

Poor parents in villages have no choice. Not having a choice means they either send or do not send their children to such schools. Talking to parents and children in the village, I realized these people saw education as a need and not as a want. I saw the children sitting on the ground for hours wanting to learn new things. I saw parents forcing the children to go to these schools. Both the students and the parents saw education as they only thing that would result in better lives for them. Unfortunately, due to the unavailability of teachers, the un-friendly environment of schools and the lack of resources, a lot of children drop out after grade 5 to help their parents with other stuff.

Knowing how much students in my village want to know about the outside world and with an understanding of how education can change lives there; I have decided to use my education, exposure and experience in Toronto to take back something for them.

Most people in my village have not seen anything outside the village or they have only been to the nearest urban center. So, naturally, when I go to visit them from Toronto, they cannot stop asking me questions about the world they might never be able to go to. For a while now, I tried to come up with something which would not require them to spend resources they do not have but at the same time be able to get what they want. I found the answers in Internet. I bought a projector to make it even more exciting.

I am going back to my village in December. This time, I am not going to be doing much talking. Instead, I will let the projector, hooked up to internet, show these children all they want to know about the world that is still alien to them. The children are going to be shown a few visual documentaries and a couple of movies to get them excited about the prospects of learning they will have available to them.

The internet and projector can not only be used to educate these children but can also help in trainings for women & men in the village. For example, we can have virtual classes where someone sitting in Canada or anywhere else in the world teaches women in the village a skill or an art. I believe all of us have a unique touch, a talent. Some of us are lucky enough to have the conductive environment that allows us to discover, realize and use our talents. Unfortunately, most of the times these talents and special skills go unnoticed.

A poor kid in a rural area could be a great artist or a great painter or even a singer but due to his upbringing he or she has not been able to find time for him/herself and look within them to see what they are good at. When these children go to the village school, a person who does not care for them, their opinions or their talents, greets them. A new, innovative, friendly, flexible, fascinating classroom for these children can change the way they perceive education. Human beings are the most important resource we have and we cannot let these children and their lives go to waste. The potential is limitless. I am taking this classroom back to my village and hope for it to work successfully. If successful, it can become a role model for schools in other villages. If that happens, thousands of lives will change.

Note: If you have any ideas, suggestions, criticism, or anything else that you think will help in making this happen, I would be very happy to listen to you.

Why has the Jamaat-e-Islami failed in Pakistani politics?

Pakistan is a deeply religious country with over 95 percent of its population being Muslim (Rais, 2011, 22). Although the Pakistani military has ruled Pakistan for most of the years since it gained independence from India in 1947, Pakistan remains a democratic republic with elections being held at the national and provincial levels over the past few decades (Tanwir, 2002, 252). Democratic governments have been formed by the leftist party, the Pakistan People’s Party, and the right-of-center Pakistan Muslim League on different occasions (Tanwir, 2002, 252). Surprisingly, the Islamic parties in Pakistan have continuously failed to perform well in the general elections (Moten, 2003, 401). One would expect the Islamic parties to fare well in a country that calls itself an ‘Islamic Republic’; however, this has not been the case. Why has the Pakistani public been so reluctant to vote the Islamists to the legislature? How do the Islamic parties view the relationship between religion and politics? What kind of relationships have the Islamic parties had with democratic and military governments in Pakistan? What has caused these Islamic parties to perform poorly in the elections?

This paper will attempt to answer the preceding questions by: first, talking about the origin and ideology of the biggest Islamic party in Pakistan, the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI); second, the paper will present the concept of an Islamic state as envisioned by JI; third, it will talk about the JI’s track record in elections and its relationships with military and democratic governments; fourth, it will identify reasons for JI’s failure to rise to legislative assemblies. In all, the paper will discuss the strategies implemented by JI to contest elections and their vision of an Islamic state to show how their ideology and actions have led the Pakistani public to distance themselves from Islamic parties.

Jamaat-e-Islami: Mawlana Mawdudi’s Brainchild
As British rule neared its end in India, Indian Muslims became increasingly politically and socially isolated. Muslims in the Indian subcontinent were divided along ethnic lines and had failed to have their concerns addressed at the national level (Mukherjee, 2010, 322). The Muslim theologian Mawlana Abu’l ala Mawdudi thought he could use this opportunity to create a party which would work to bring all Muslims under the banner of Islam. Thus, the Jamaat-e-Islami came in to existence in 1941 to serve the interests of the Muslim community (Kumar, 2001, 274). Mawdudi believed the Muslim culture had been diluted from centuries of influence from the Hindu culture (Nasr, 1996, 6). Muslim Punjabis could relate more with Hindu Punjabis than their co-religionists in Bengal. Similarly, Bengali Hindus and Bengali Muslims had more in common than with people from their own religions (Mukherjee, 2010, 323). Mawdudi intended to remove what he thought were impurities from the Muslim culture. He called for unity amongst the Muslims and separation from the Hindu culture (Nasr, 1996, 6). In Mawdudi’s eyes, the Jamaat-e-Islami was not just for the Indian Muslims but rather the Muslim umma (community) at large. The vision was pan-Islamist in nature and Mawdudi hoped his party to transcend the national boundaries to encompass all peoples and countries (Jackson, 2011, 79). Initially, Mawdudi had rejected the creation of an independent state for Muslims but later moved to Pakistan after its independence. He dreamed of making Pakistan an Islamic state, a model, that the rest of the Muslim states could emulate (Mukherjee, 2010, 331). To the dismay of Mawdudi, his party and its supporters, this dream would not only fall short of coming true but Jamaat-e-Islami’s transformation from a social movement to a political party would result in embarrassing election outcomes.

The Jamaat-e-Islami was to be led by an amir (leader) and consisted of the Majlis-e-shura (consultative assembly) and the members of the party. The members were required to be pious Muslims, with a morally upright character (Moten, 2003, 392). Even non-members were divided into different groups based on their closeness with Jamaat’s ideology. Those who sympathized with the goals and objectives of the Jamaat, hamdard, were held in the highest rank followed by mutahtir, those who recognized the Jamaat’s mission as a positive influence. The lowest ranked amongst the non-members was reserved for mutaarif, those who had been introduced to the objectives of the Jamaat but had not been influenced or become sympathizers (Jackson, 2011, 76). The shura or the consultative assembly of the party was responsible for policy formulation and involved a rigorous process of debating. Only once a consensus was developed among all members would the policy be adopted (Jackson, 2011, 78).

The vision of an Islamic state
Roy Jackson in his book ‘Mawlana Mawdudi and Political Islam’ writes “Mawdudi portrayed the Jamaat as the moral guardians of Pakistan: a holy community that did not dirty its hands in the mud of political wrangling” (Jackson, 2011, 71). Indeed, the JI initially limited its role in Pakistan to spreading Islam’s message and social work for the refugees who had migrated from India (Ali, 2010, 220). However, it did not take long for Mawdudi and his party’s position to change. In 1948, the JI initiated a campaign to establish an Islamic state and involved itself in the country’s politics. Nonetheless, JI sought to achieve its objective only by acting as a pressure group (Ali, 2010, 220). The aim of Jamaat-e-Islami was to bring an Islamic way of life in the country and Mawdudi wanted to prove the it to the world that Islamic laws could exist in any age (Ali, 2010, 221). It is important to note that Mawdudi believed for these Islamic laws to work, they needed to be implemented along with Islamic principles of tawil, qiyas, ijtehad, ijma and istihsan (Ali, 2010, 221). The first step towards building an Islam State, Mawdudi believed, was the declaration of the following statues by the constituent assembly of Pakistan (Ali, 2010, 223):
(1) That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God almighty and the government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent;
(2) That the basic law of the land is the Islamic shariah which has come to us through our Prophet Mohammad;
(3) That all those existing laws, which may in conflict with shariah shall in due course be replaced or brought into conformity with the basic law and no law, which may be in any repugnant to the shariah, shall be enacted in the future;
(4) That the state, in exercising its powers, shall not be competent to transgress the limits laid down by Islam.

The Islamists believed an Islamic state was the only answer to Pakistan’s problems. They saw Islam as not just a religion rather a complete way of life. Mawdudi’s concept of the legislature was based on the “concept of shura (consultative assembly) and on the institution of ahl-al-hall wa’l –aqd (those who unbind and bind)” (Nasr, 1996, 94). He also wanted to have an Islamic constitution implemented in Pakistan. Mawdudi viewed this constitution to be a constantly evolving document based on neither a fixed sharia nor on any other existing document. According to Mawdudi there were two kinds of laws; on the one hand there were those laws that were unalterable and on the other there were laws that could be changed according to the needs and requirements of the state (Nasr, 1996, 99). These latter laws could be changed by invoking the Islamic principles of tawil (hermeneutic interpretation), qiyas (logical reasoning), ijtehad (independent inquiry into Islamic law), ijma (collective consensus) and istihsan (invoking the spirit of the sharia in novel circumstances). This Islamic state was divided into four groups consisting of male Muslims, female Muslims, Zimmis (followers of a religion recognized by Islam i.e. Christians and Jews) and non-Muslims. In this state, citizenship would be offered to Muslims all over the world (Nasr, 1996, 99).

The transformation of JI into a political party
During the partition of India, princely states were given the right to choose to side with either India or Pakistan. Kashmir, a princely state, with a majority Muslim population was expected to join Pakistan but the Hindu Maharaja of the state decided it would accede with India. Pakistan, in response, declared jihad (holy war) against the Indian army in the territory. Mawdudi, a scholar on the subject of jihad, disagreed with the Pakistani government on terming the war a jihad and went on to make his criticism public. This resulted in his arrest along with the arrest of other Jamaat leaders (Jackson, 2011, 71). The arrest of its party’s leaders forced the JI to move into the political arena indirectly taking part in the elections that were going to be held in the province of Punjab in March 1951 (Jackson, 2011, 73). Even though JI did not field its own candidates in the election, it supported those it considered as pious Muslims. As the Jamaat did not consider the Pakistani government to be Islamic, taking part in the direction albeit indirectly seemed somewhat hypocritical. JI was trying to become a part of the government it considered un-Islamic. This did not sit well with some of the members of the JI but the meeting of the shura ended up giving the party a go ahead to support pious candidates claiming it was trying to prevent the election of corrupted people to the parliament (Jackson, 2011, 72). The candidates that the Jamaat supported ended up losing. Nonetheless, JI had never been this close to the political circles prior to these elections.

Mawdudi was released from jail in 1954. In 1957, he decided that JI would contest the national elections due to take place next year. This decision was made after realizing that it was impossible to create a significant change without making Pakistan an Islamic state. To make Pakistan an Islamic state, the mandate of the people had to be won; to win this mandate, elections had to be contested. This was an important drift in JI’s perspective. From the view that by changing individuals you bring a change in the society, JI was now focused on bringing a change to the society in order to reform the individuals (Jackson, 2011, 73).

JI during democratic and military rule
Before the JI could make its debut in Pakistani politics, General Ayub Khan brought a military coup in Pakistan. Khan was seen as a secular figure who intended to keep religion separate from politics (Jackson, 2011, 74). In order to make Pakistan into a modern state, he passed the Muslim family laws in 1961. These laws abolished unmitigated polygamy, gave powers to the women by making it compulsory for husbands to seek their wives consent for a second marriage, and abolished the practice whereby a husband could divorce his wife by saying talaq (divorce) three times (Jackson, 2011, 75). Seen as very progressive and in contrast to the traditional understanding of Islam, JI strongly opposed these laws and tried to put pressure on Khan to repeal them. General Khan did not give in to JI’s demands but had to look to the leader of the party for support during the 1965 India-Pakistan war. He appealed to Mawdudi to declare the war against India a jihad in order to legitimize the Pakistani army’s actions and to raise the morale of its soldiers (Jackson, 2011, 75). At the same time, JI decided to attain more political strength to protest liberal laws like the Muslim Family Laws.

The stage finally came for JI to test its political strength in 1970. Ayub’s successor, Yahya Khan held general elections in 1970 in which the Jamaat took part (Jackson, 2011, 75). The JI had gone in with much hopes of capturing power to fulfill its dream of an Islamic state but was faced with an embarrassing election result winning only 4 out of the 300 seats in the national assembly (Kumar, 2001, 272). All Islamic parties together, the JI, Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam (JUI) and Jamiat Ulama-e-Pakistan (JUP), were only able to secure 13.95% of overall votes cast (Kumar, 2001, 272). Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s party, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), won the elections. Bhutto, who had campaigned for the elections under the banner of socialism, was criticized by the religious parties as being anti-Islam while socialism was called a ‘godless’ system that was in opposition to the teachings of Islam (Jackson, 2011, 75).

The results of the 1970 elections had dejected Mawdudi forcing him to return to his original vision of the Jamaat where it only existed as a holy community, in a domain separate from politics (Jackson, 2011, 75). Mawdudi and JI would have seen the 1970 elections as the last blow to their vision of an Islamic state had General Zia-ul-Haq not come to power. Zia-ul-Haq, after bringing down Bhutto’s government and imposing martial law in the country, offered hope to JI and Mawdudi for the establishment of an Islamic state. Mawdudi was appointed as a senior statesman during Zia’s rule and the process of Islamization of Pakistan began. Consumption and selling of alcohol was banned and strict laws on sex outside marriage were imposed. General Zia also put in place sharia benches temporarily removing the existing British law (Jackson, 2011, 76).

General Zia finally fulfilled his promise of holding general elections for the national assembly in February 1985. These elections were on a non-party basis with candidates still receiving backing from different individuals and parties. These elections saw the defeat of many of the candidates supported by General Zia and his political allay, the JI(Kumar, 2001, 272). The next elections were held in 1988. In these elections, the JI joined forces with other Islamic parties. The alliance of the religious parties, Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), was defeated by the Pakistan People’s party with the JI only winning 8 of the 26 seats it contested (Moten, 2003, 402). The JI faced a similar result in the 1990 general elections. It ended up with just 3 per cent of the popular vote in the National Assembly elections, 4% in the North-West Frontier province, 3% and 0.8% in the provinces of Punjab and Sindh respectively (Kumar, 2001, 273). The Jamaat-e-Islami repeated its poor performances yet again in the next two elections that were held in 1993 and 1997 receiving 6.75% and 1.83% of the percentage of total votes cast respectively (Tanwir, 2002, 252).

It was only in the general elections of 2002 that the alliance of religious parties ended up with a considerable number of seats in the parliament (Tanwir, 2002, 252). The percentage of total votes cast for the religious parties increased from less than 2% to almost 11% winning them 46 seats in the national assembly. The religious alliance for the first time in Pakistan’s history formed a majority government in the province of North-West Frontier (Tanwir, 2002, 252). The increased support for the religious parties was linked to the religious alliance’s anti-American slogans that had been used to exploit people’s emotions after American forces had entered the bordering territory of Afghanistan. However, as the most recent elections of 2008 have shown, the Pakistani public has taken back the mandate from the religious alliance and elected a semi-secular party, Awami National Party (ANP), to form a government in North-West Frontier replacing the religious alliance (Goodson, 2008, 11). The religious alliance once again ended with a dismally low of 2% of total votes cast.

The beginning of the end for JI
While some of JI’s own policies resulted in its failures, there were factors beyond the party’s control that also contributed towards its poor performance in the elections. The JI started off as a platform for Mawdudi’s ideas. However, later conflicts developed on the objectives and vision of the party. JI as a political party had to make certain compromises that did not go in parallel with its ideology. For example, in 1965, JI was supporting Fatima Jinnah for her presidential campaign against Ayub Khan even though it was against Mawdudi’s views on the social role of women (Nasr, 1996, 44). Moreover, by siding with General Zia after the fall of Bhutto’s regime, JI showed its willingness to work with authoritarian regimes to achieve its objectives. This created an unfriendly relationship between the JI and other political parties.

As a pressure group, JI had done well in having the government respond to their concerns and demands but because of its hardline approach, JI as a political party failed to gain popularity at a national level. Even though Mawdudi tried to create unity under the banner of Islam, the different sects within Islam undermined the role of Islam as the uniting force. In addition, some of the off-shoot groups of JI became involved in militancy and sectarianism (Kumar, 2001, 278). Kumar (2001) states “These organizations which divided the Islamic political forces, fuelled extremism and sectarian violence, and further alienated the people from religious politics.”

With a very rigid membership criteria, the JI limited its scope of becoming a party of the masses. It could only field limited number of candidates due to the increasing requirements of closeness to religion by the members (Moten, 2003, 403). Another missing feature in the speeches of Mawdudi and JI’s strategy was a viable economic plan (Nasr, 1996, 50). The JI leaders were active in criticizing socialism but did not have a sound economic plan of their own except resorting to Islamic teachings about creating a just society. Vali Nasr (1996) writes Mawdudi “worried less about economic liberation than about preserving dress, language, customs for they were essential to safeguarding Muslim culture”. These vague and abstract principles did not seem to attract people who ended up voting for other mass parties.

To the defense of JI, it can be said that almost all democratic and military governments that have come to power in Pakistan have tried to use religion to advance their own interests. All wars were termed as jihad to legitimize the states actions and to gain support from amongst the masses (Mukherjee, 2010, 338) Also, JI could not spread its roots at the national level due to closed political structures of Pakistani politics. When Pakistan is not under martial law, its either the Pakistan People’s party or the Pakistan Muslim League that is in power. These parties contest elections by fielding candidates who are either feudal or business tycoons. Votes are forced or bought. On the other hand most of JI’s candidates come from the middle class and only rely on Islam’s message to attract voters.
The birth of ethnic parties like the Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) that focus on advancing the interests of a particular ethnicity also lead to a decrease in support for religious parties (Kumar, 2001, 273). With Pakistan moving towards modernity and a larger population of the country being educated, JI has even fewer prospects of doing well due to its hardline approach towards Islam and its views on the minorities and women. According to the founder of the party, Abu’l Ala Mawdudi, “only 5 percent of the Muslim population of Pakistan were enlightened about Islam, 90 percent were illiterate with blind faith and the remaining 5 percent had been corrupted by Westernization” (Moten, 2003, 396). Perhaps, it is only the 5% enlightened Muslim population of Pakistan, as Mawdudi put it, who have been able to relate with the ideology of JI and vote for it.

Conclusion
The JI has not only failed to achieve its objective but also moved away from it while trying to make compromises to achieve political success. With a huge Muslim population, Pakistan remains a country where religion is very important. However, while people would like to see god fearing politicians, they would not like religion to be the basis for all the political decisions. For parties like the Jamaat-e-Islami, it is better to act as pressure groups, keeping a check on government’s policies by voicing concern where the policies are found to be in contrast with Islamic teachings. A democratic government will allow these voices to be heard in order to reach an understanding. The JI’s electoral misfortunes should tell us that the dream of establishing a shariah state is, if not impossible, unnecessary and unwelcome in Pakistan. The politicization of Islam and Islamization of politics will only lead to the abuse of religion for political purposes and vice versa.

Bibliography
Ali, Sheikh Jameel. Islamic Thought and Movement in The Subcontinent. New Delhi: D.K Printworld, 2010.
Goodson, Larry P. “The 2008 Elections.” Journal of Democracy, 2008: 5-15.
Jackson, Roy. Mawlana Mawdudi & Political Islam. New York: Routledge, 2011.
Kumar, Sumita. “The role of Islamic parties in Pakistani Politics.” Strategic Analysis, 2001: 271-284.
Moten, Abdul Rashid. “Mawdudi and the Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami in Pakistsan.” The Muslim World, 2003: 391-413.
Mukherjee, Kunal. “Islamic Revivalism and Politics in Contemporary Pakistan.” Journal of Developing Studies, 2010: 329-353.
Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. Mawdudi and The Making of Islamic Revivalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.
Rais, Rasul Bakhsh. “Pakistan.” Political Insight, May 23, 2011.
Tanwir, Farooq. “Religious Parties and Politics in Pakistan.” International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 2002: 250-268.

Valuing intellect = valuing humans

By: Zain Maken
Most of us, including myself, are akin to travelers who have travelled a few hundred feet and have stopped, turned around and have spent our entire lives giving detailed description of the world we have yet not experienced, but merely seen by these beautiful yet fragile instruments, the eyes. These travelers may be religious and non-religious, whatever their goals may be, they have merely seen a glimpse of their objectives from far, far away, and thus consider themselves excellent guides to their goal. From knowledge seekers, we have transformed our role to knowledge dispensers. Is this really a significant problem? After all, if the society you address is ready to devour each of your words and gestures without thought, why go through the hassle of introspection?

Yes. This is a huge problem, it constitutes the base upon which we build our lives, and enormously influences the service we provide to others. Knowledge is an endless pursuit; have we not been asked to gather knowledge from the cradle to the grave? Two questions I would attempt to unravel here will be: What is knowledge? And the second is whether religious knowledge is an end in itself?

Knowledge, according to me, is the ability to understand and appreciate the intricacies and mysteries of the human self. All other knowledge of society, nature and the worlds beyond this world is built upon this base. Inside one’s self, exists a universe where there are a million streams of thoughts, endless emotions on display, the disappearing presence of reason, the blueprints of social conduct, and the endless conflicting desires. For a more accepted definition, knowledge can be considered to be the grandfather of information, and the offspring of reason, emotion and language. Its siblings include education, experience, and intuition, all of whom it learns from, according to the parents’ the advice. Knowledge is what gives man a reason to act; without knowledge, any action would be disastrous, and to have knowledge but not act would be tragic. Knowledge takes man to impossible heights, granting his eyes sights of extraordinary beauty which the mind is never able to completely fathom, and leave him with a whiff of a pleasure, a pleasure that Will Durant sees as the noblest joy, the joy of understanding.

Concerning the second question, if one may ask an individual (in Pakistan) how knowledge can be gathered, a likely response is, ‘through understanding the Holy Scriptures i.e. The Holy Quran and the Sunnah.’ To consider a religion as comprehensive and timeless in its approach and content does not simultaneously negate that anything outside of it is not to be read, understood, appreciated or experienced. If God wanted each of us to be a Muslim, with the same culture, the same beliefs, and to speak in the same language, He had the power to do so; ‘If God has so willed, He would have made you a single people, but (His plan is) to test you in what He hath given you: so strive as in a race in all virtues. The goal of you all is Allah’ (Surah 5, Verse 48). The reason there are hundreds of different cultures, each with a special flavor, endless variety in languages, each resonating a delightful sound, and these extraordinary kind and cruel human beings, each a world in himself, is because of the beauty in diversity. And this beauty is not only to be praised in words, but translated in action, one must, I insist must, expose himself to different cultures, religions, explore their ideas, and travel in their kempt and unkempt seas of their minds. One does not necessarily have to accept or reject these ideas, but they should always be considered. Consideration of others’ ideas persuades man to see human beings as carriers of beauty and parts of Truth, and this instills an inherent calmness that fills up the cup of the heart. And this calmness is not exclusive in nature, because the more we try to restrict love for a certain kind of people, the more we pollute the innate nature of love. But returning to the question at hand, religious knowledge is essential, but it should give you impetus to build newer structures, and simultaneously remove this fear of foreign ideas, this cold blanket over the heart should be lifted; it has weakened the mind unnecessarily for too long.

Does the pursuit of a medicine formula contradict the Quranic teachings only because there is no overt mention of it? Does the discovery of this procedure suggest that God had previously not known about it? The answer to this lies tangled silently inside our webs of thoughts. The answer is actually in a question; could God not have wanted human beings to struggle immensely in the pursuit of something He already knew, but wanted us to discover for ourselves? The faculties that we require in the journey for knowledge have been laid down by the Quran and the Sunnah (for example tafakkur/tadabbur (contemplation)), but the pursuit is ours to achieve. The pursuit is definitely ours. When we recognize this pursuit, we smile at the distance we are yet to cover, and when one accepts his own speck in this vast expanse of universes, his wish to impose his reality on his surroundings is replaced by a state of awe, where he lives with eyes that cherish anything that expands his mind. This state of awe needs intense introspection, but it does not require one to shun society. It is society itself that is the best and often the harshest teacher.

To conclude, let us look at some distinctions that can be drawn between the knowledgeable and the ignorant. The ignorant is afraid of silence, while the knowledgeable treasures the silence, seeing it as an opportunity to introspect, to lift the veil from the curtains that hide the beauty of the Almighty, and experience His existence beyond these speculations. The knowledgeable is never satisfied with a single point of view, be it of his own family, sect or community, and is ready to serve Justice even if the decision comes not in the favor of his loved ones. The knowledgeable is refreshed when he hears an original idea and entertains the thought; the ignorant is afraid of ideas, seeing them as storms that will shake his thought processes and leave them in tatters. The knowledgeable never displays his knowledge to awe others, just as a means to dispel darkness, and refrains himself to convince others, and instead pushes them to reconsider their own opinions. And lastly and with sweet irony, the knowledgeable always refers to himself as ignorant, and vice versa.

To sum my thoughts up, and in the hope that respect for intellect will never cease, I would like to end with a saying of Hazrat Ali: There is no knowledge and science like pondering and thought; and there is no prosperity and advancement like knowledge and science. Quoted from Majlisi, Bihārul Anwār, vol.1, p.179

 

Unity in Diversity

All of us exist in different boxes and we refuse to think out of them. Our religion, nation, and race are some prominent examples of such boxes. Anything outside our box is considered false, foreign and inferior. We don’t realize that one box common to all of us is humanity. Black or white, Hindu or Muslim, American or Pakistani all of us are essentially the same beings and aspire for the same things in life.

Pakistan under apartheid?

Apartheid was the official policy of the South African government until the year 1990.  The National Party had introduced apartheid after being elected to power in the elections of 1948. Apartheid called for the separation of the white population of South Africa from its non-white population. Laws were put in place to exclude black people from voting, public places and even traveling inside South Africa. Inter-racial marriage was not permitted and considered as an offence. Apartheid was finally removed in 1994 after the African National Congress (ANC) led by Nelson Mandela reached a resolution with De Klerk the President of the South Africa and the head of the National party (NP).

Growing up in Pakistan and witnessing continuous injustice towards a particular section of the society, I have started to believe apartheid still exists. It exists in Pakistan between the rich and the poor. I see a wall, a divide, and segregation between the two.

Sarfraz Shah was shot dead at point blank range by the law enforcement agencies a few days back in the city of Karachi. The incident was recorded on camera which brought some attention to his death. While looking at the video and the way Sarfraz was being pushed around, I felt as if he were some other species.  Sarfraz was a human being and yet he was not like you and me. His only fault was that he was poor.  Similarly, a few months back, a relative of mine was walking towards his house when a few drops of paint fell over his clothes from the top of a wall that was being painted. He looked up towards the person working on the wall who apologized immediately. This relative of mine went on swearing at the laborer. After a point, the laborer swore back. My relative took out a hand gun and shot him in the head.  The laborer was left there to die and (I am ashamed to say this) my relative roamed around free as if it were a bug he had shot at. Again, the laborers only fault was that he was poor.

These and many other such incidents happen in our society on a regular basis. Very few are recorded on the camera. Hardly any victim gets justice. Our politicians come and make a few fancy statements against such incidents. The media talks about it for days. A commission is formed and we move on. No one addresses the underlying causes. Once our emotions die away and they do with time, no one cares anymore. We have to take a more proactive approach and take action before these things take place. Crying over someone’s death or forming a commission serves no real purpose. It is superficial justice.

In the rural areas of Pakistan, the land lords sit on high-rising chairs while the poor, the peasants and the farmers are made to sit on the ground or ‘peeris’- low rising stools. This is done to remind the poor of their position in the society. These customs are there to instill fear in their minds. So many places in Pakistan have different cutlery for the poor and the rich. A friend of mine rightly said, a few people in Pakistan are citizens, others are just subjects.

All the laws and all the law enforcement agencies we have work towards protecting the rich from the poor. The poor have no big houses, or property or wealth that needs to be protected. They have no money that they can use to bribe or silence anyone. The sad reality is that if Sarfraz Shah came from a rich family, he would never have been shot like that. The sad reality is that if the Sialkot brothers were sons of a politician or a wealthy businessman, police wouldn’t have stood there watching them being tortured.

We keep asserting how Islam treats everyone equally and yet there are no signs of equality in this society. The poor only find solace in their religion as it promises them a better after life. This keeps them from rising against their masters and rulers. If anyone, it’s us the fortunate portion of the society who have to stand up to all the injustices towards the poor. We have to give those a voice whose voices have been suppressed. We have to give those people hope who have been shunned by the society. We have to give those people an opportunity who have the potential but find all doors to progress locked. We have to free those people who have been chained by the society. We have to free those peasants who have been enslaved by the landlords. We have to provide equal opportunity to all regardless of their social status, their religion, their ethnicities and their backgrounds.  Justice has to be based on merit and not money. It is never too late to change. If we still heed to Imam Ali’s saying, ‘societies can run without God but not without justice’, we can steer our society towards the right direction.  If we remain satisfied with what we have, if we only care about ourselves, if we let things be the way they are, our society will never change.

Tackling the roots

By Zain Maken

The biggest problem facing Pakistan is not the militants, or the economic and political policies. The architecture of fear that surrounds us should not worry us as much as the roots that uphold it. The roots that support the whole structure of terror are inevitably nourished by our choices that are, in turn, determined by our approach. It is our approach that is at enormous fault.

Our method of dealing with issues, whether they are personal, social or political, has led us astray. Our social atmosphere, where suicide bombs have become a norm, where tolerance has receded to dusty dictionaries and anger has been allowed to trek freely, has equally damaged us all. We use our weapons before our mind realises its consequences. While there are socio-political reasons for this approach that date back to our birth in 1947, my focus, however, will be on another aspect. I believe that we, as a nation, have closed the doors of our minds to reason and contemplation. Adding to this problem is our lack of personal heroes and figures that could function as beacons of light for our minds. Our history is brimming with personalities who have achieved greatness in fields ranging through philosophy, theology, medicine, geology, mathematics, psychology, etc. There are individuals who devoted their entire lives to pursuing knowledge, spreading what they knew and, importantly, never discarded anything without contemplation.

This act of deliberation, pondering over ideas, their meanings, their subtleties and their consequences is what our perceptions have grown to avoid. The Quran repeatedly demands from us, amongst other virtues, two essential qualities — reason and reflection. The act of deliberation is of critical importance, because to internalise anything, we primarily have to understand it and only then can we apply it in our lives. “What, do they not ponder the Quran? Or is it that there are locks upon their hearts?” (47:24). This, and many other verses, clearly and emphatically stipulate that the Quran is not merely to be read, but to be comprehended and applied. More importantly, it also sets the standard for interpreting the Quran. Our emotions and instincts certainly have their own importance, yet when they completely dominate our abilities of logic and reasoning, we are reduced to the level of animals.

The first step to change our current path has to be in the realm of education. But let us first be clear what education really is. Education, to me, is a process through which we gain a comprehensive understanding of how the world around us works, its intricacies and mysteries, and about our position in this vast expanse. Our education system needs to widen its scope from merely being beneficial in securing good grades and a job; rather, the central theme of education should be to produce individuals who pursue knowledge for the sake of gaining knowledge. Statistically, there is a considerable increase in our school enrolment rate from the past decades. However, the reality around us reveals that our level of tolerance and analytical skills have gone down instead of improving.

Knowledge is not enough for progress; there is something more important, something we rarely consider today –our imagination. Einstein says, “Imagination is more important than knowledge. Knowledge is limited. Imagination encircles the world.” Allowing room for originality, innovativeness and creativity is extremely important in the development of any child.

There is an important distinction between a person’s intelligence and his aptitude in dealings with others. Daniel Goleman, in his book Emotional Intelligence (1997) establishes that the Intelligence Quotient is unrelated to the Emotional Quotient. This finding denotes that despite the amount of knowledge we gather, if we are unable to display qualities of empathy, compassion and mercy towards others, then we really have not ascended or moved forward from our previous state.

All the above-mentioned traits have to be inculcated from the start. From primary education, our textbooks need to include more examples of generosity, forgiveness, reason and benevolence — qualities that form the basic framework of Islam. Academic and administrative committees need to be present inside every school to ensure the personal development of students through counselling, weekly discussions between different student bodies and initiating events that cater to the creative abilities of the students such as days reserved for painting, drawing, music, writing, sports, etc. Some such events may be taking place in private institutions. However, until these measures do not permeate into every type of institution, we would constantly see divides inside our society.

At the level of secondary education, students need to be familiarised with personalities who achieved remarkable feats, both Muslim and non-Muslim. This would serve to remind them that Muslims, with the likes of Ibn Sina, Al Ghazali, Ibn Khaldoon and Ibn Rushd, have progressed in all fields and not in religion alone, and also demonstrate that intellect is not limited to any faith. Importantly, to substantiate the significance of imagination, the grading schemes need to reserve marks for originality in responses (in class discussions and also in examinations). This would encourage individuals to depend on their creative abilities instead of merely textual details. At universities, scholarly works of intellectuals must be included as part of every course regardless of the nature of the majors selected. The professors need to make themselves familiar with the published volumes and see how their principles could be applied today. This would assist in opening new fields for students and helping them widen the boundaries of their minds. Furthermore, the media can play a vital role by initiating discussions and interviewing scholars familiar with the works of Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals. Last, but not the least, the government needs to promote the culture of libraries and educational complexes at the local level. These are some measures that, if implemented effectively, will yield far-reaching results in the long run.

Our youth today has begun to feel that when the system itself is incorrigible, then there is no place for solutions or ingenuity. This mindset has to change. Throughout history, no nation has ever changed until the citizens have worked on their own shortcomings. The Quran states, “Verily, never will God change the condition of a people until they change it themselves (with their own souls)” (13:11). This verse makes it absolutely clear that we have inside ourselves a system, which can help us improve our condition, and all we require is to discover that system through creativity and imagination and translate it into reality, a task each one of us is capable of.